On Politics: The Senate candidate running as the anti-Oz

Val Arkoosh, a Pennsylvania doctor, sees openings to raise her profile.

View in browser|nytimes.com Continue reading the main story December 9, 2021 By Trip Gabriel Dr. Val Arkoosh has struggled for attention from Democratic voters and donors.Gene J. Puskar/Associated Press Dr. Val Arkoosh is the Pennsylvania Senate candidate who is often an afterthought compared to the two front-running Democrats, John Fetterman and Conor Lamb. But a couple big recent developments — the chance of the Supreme Court sweeping away Roe v. Wade and the entry of Dr. Mehmet Oz into the race's Republican primary — may give her underdog campaign new momentum. Arkoosh, a physician in obstetric anesthesiology and a top elected official in Montgomery County in the Philadelphia suburbs, is trying to pitch herself as a kind of anti-Oz. "It really does take a doctor to stand up to a doctor," Arkoosh told me. "I don't even know how he still has a license, with some of the stuff that comes out his mouth," she said of his promotion of unproved Covid-19 treatments early in the pandemic. Oz, a celebrity doctor who, until recently, hosted "The Dr. Oz Show," is well positioned, thanks to personal wealth and high name recognition, to become a front-runner in a G.O.P. field where no one has yet nailed down voters' allegiance. The contest to fill Pennsylvania's open Senate seat will be one of the hardest fought in the country in 2022, with majority control of the Senate at stake. Oz, who jumped into the race last week, is framing his candidacy as a conservative's response to the pandemic, pushing back against mandates, shutdowns and limits to "freedom." Arkoosh, on the other hand, helped lead an aggressive response to the pandemic as the leader of the Montgomery County board of commissioners. In an interview, she contrasted her efforts to ensure the safety of students in her county to Oz's position on schools at the time: During the same month that she canceled graduation ceremonies last year, Oz urged on Fox News that schools should be open because it "may only cost us 2 to 3 percent in terms of total mortality" of the population. He later said he "misspoke." In response to Arkoosh's criticism, a spokeswoman for Oz's campaign, Erin Perrine, pointed to his success as a heart surgeon and to his TV show and books, which she said "empowered millions to make better health care choices — even if it meant going against the medical establishment." Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT Arkoosh, 61, has struggled for attention from Democratic voters and donors in the shadow of the leaders of her primary: Fetterman, the lieutenant governor, and Lamb, a congressman. The two men are usually contrasted against one another as a progressive (Fetterman, who supported Bernie Sanders in 2016) versus a moderate (Lamb, who won a congressional district that voted for President Donald J. Trump). Arkoosh is liberal on issues — she wants to ban fracking and to add a public option to the health care marketplace — but what sets her apart may be demographics. Fetterman and Lamb are both from Allegheny County in Western Pennsylvania. They each argue that they are best suited to make inroads with white blue-collar voters. Meanwhile, Arkoosh's base, Montgomery County — the state's third most populous and the second richest — is ground zero for the suburban shift to Democrats in recent years. In all, Philadelphia and its suburbs in southeast Pennsylvania contribute 50 percent of the state's Democratic primary voters. "In Montgomery County in 2020, we gave President Biden 66,000 more votes than we gave Hillary Clinton," Arkoosh said. "It is where my base is, where my strength is." Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT Still, J. J. Balaban, a Democratic strategist in Pennsylvania, said that Arkoosh's campaign had been underwhelming so far and that she was little known outside Montgomery County. "It costs a lot of money to get known statewide in Pennsylvania, and she appears to be coming up short," Balaban told me. "At the moment, she doesn't have enough funds to win the Philly market, let alone the state." As of October, Arkoosh had $1 million in her campaign account, which includes a $500,000 personal loan, and she trails Fetterman's $4.2 million on hand and Lamb's $2.1 million. Her endorsement by Emily's List, the abortion rights group, did not seem to have boosted her fund-raising much through September. Even so, the rising prominence of abortion as a potential motivator of Democratic voters in the midterm elections plays to Arkoosh's strengths as a doctor. Her specialty means she administers anesthesia to women giving birth and women having abortions. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT "As a physician who has sat at the bedside of women who have had to make some of the most difficult decisions of their lives," she said, "there is no place for any politician in those decisions." Arguments before the Supreme Court last week suggested the conservative majority was ready to reverse or severely limit Roe v. Wade in a ruling next year. "I think this is going to be a very big issue," Arkoosh said. "And I think this is going to be an issue that gets women, and particularly suburban women, out in numbers.'' Letitia James said that she had "come to the conclusion that I must continue my work as attorney general." Dave Sanders for The New York Times In the news: New York's attorney general, Letitia James. James announced on Thursday that she was dropping out of the governor's race and running instead for re-election. The decision sent shock waves through New York political circles, upended the high-profile race for governor and further solidified Gov. Kathy Hochul's standing as the early front-runner. That's not all. She is also seeking to question former President Donald J. Trump under oath in a civil fraud investigation, according to two people with knowledge of the matter, an unusual move that comes at a critical juncture in a parallel criminal investigation into the former president. If James finds evidence of wrongdoing, she could file a lawsuit against Trump, but she could not file criminal charges. — Katie Glueck, Nicholas Fandos, Jonah E. Bromwich, Ben Protess and William K. Rashbaum Read more about the governor's race and the move to subpoena Trump. Subscribe Today We hope you've enjoyed this newsletter, which is made possible through subscriber support. Subscribe to The New York Times with this special offer. RECOMMENDED READING T.J. Kirkpatrick for The New York Times Senate Clears Last Major Hurdle to Raising Debt Ceiling Ending a monthslong impasse, lawmakers from both parties approved legislation that would let Congress raise the debt ceiling by a simple majority vote. By Emily Cochrane Jason Andrew for The New York Times Appeals Court Rejects Trump's Bid to Shield Material From Jan. 6 Inquiry A three-judge panel held that Congress's oversight powers, backed by President Biden's decision not to invoke executive privilege over the material, outweighed Mr. Trump's residual secrecy powers. By Charlie Savage Were you forwarded this newsletter? Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox. Is there anything you think we're missing? Anything you want to see more of? We'd love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com. Continue reading the main story Need help? Review our newsletter help page or contact us for assistance. You received this email because you signed up for On Politics from The New York Times. To stop receiving these emails, unsubscribe or manage your email preferences. Subscribe to The TimesGet The New York Times app Connect with us on: Change Your EmailPrivacy PolicyContact UsCalifornia Notices The New York Times Company. 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018

On Politics: Joe Biden and the political limits of competence

Facing a stalled agenda, the president has made a subtle shift in his political strategy.

View in browser|nytimes.com Continue reading the main story December 7, 2021 By Astead W. Herndon President Biden extolled the infrastructure bill in Detroit last month. Democrats hope the coronavirus relief package, the infrastructure law and the spending agreement that is still being negotiated are enough to motivate the party's base ahead of the midterms.Doug Mills/The New York Times In August 2019, amid a Democratic presidential primary that seemed rife with uncertainty, Joseph R. Biden Jr. held a round table with several Black political reporters in Washington, D.C. The stated purpose: extol his support among Black communities, highlighting the same constituencies that eventually helped him secure the party's nomination. As Biden spoke for more than 90 minutes, he also outlined his governing philosophy. When I pressed Biden about why his policy agenda would succeed in Washington after Republicans repeatedly blocked efforts from his Democratic predecessor, Barack Obama, Biden said flatly that those rules would not apply to him. He, unlike Obama, had decades-long relationships in Congress, would be succeeding the historically chaotic presidency of Donald J. Trump, and was popular even among Republican constituents, he said. "Part of the role of a president is to persuade," he said. If Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader, were to block him, he said: "Guess what? I'm going to go to Kentucky, and I'm going to campaign." Two years later, amid sinking poll numbers, a stalled agenda and growing fears among Democrats that a Republican shellacking is inevitable in next year's midterm elections, Biden is learning the limits of that strategy. Projecting competence has not persuaded enough skeptical Americans to be vaccinated against the coronavirus. His familiarity with Washington deal making — while crucial in passing a bipartisan infrastructure package — has not moved the needle on issues like voting rights, police reform or raising the minimum wage. McConnell, as Senate minority leader, is still playing the role of Democrat obstructionist in chief. And Biden, who prided himself on the ability to campaign in largely white, conservative areas, continues to lose ground among white voters without a college degree. According to Pew Research, about six in 10 white adults now say they disapprove of Biden's presidency. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT The challenges help explain Biden's subtle shift in recent months, which has caught the eye of activists and some lawmakers. Gone is the former talk of a Republican "epiphany" or the prospect of campaigning in McConnell's Kentucky backyard. The White House, and its congressional agenda, rests in the hands of more centrist Democratic senators like Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona. In a town hall event with CNN in October that took place during a crucial period of negotiations for Biden's "Build Back Better" social spending package, the president stunned some political observers by reversing his position on the Senate filibuster, the 60-vote threshold that has often hampered ambitious legislation. Biden — who was staunchly opposed to removing the filibuster during his time in the Senate and during the 2020 presidential campaign — said he was open to shifting his stance, particularly concerning voting rights. "We're going to have to move to the point where we fundamentally alter the filibuster," Biden said. It "remains to be seen exactly what that means in terms of fundamentally — on whether or not we just end the filibuster straight up." Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT When Anderson Cooper, the host of the event, asked Biden directly: "When it comes to voting rights — just so I'm clear, though — you would entertain the notion of doing away with the filibuster on that one issue. Is that correct?" The president responded, "And maybe more." His words will have little tangible effect in the short term (several Democratic senators, including Manchin and Sinema, are opposed to ending the filibuster), but they are another sign of a White House coming to grips with the scope of its political challenges. Steve Phillips, a Democratic donor and strategist, said the party's desire to appease white conservative and independent voters who are souring on them should not come at the expense of exciting their cross-racial liberal base. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT "I think that the loudest and most influential voices in the White House and the Democratic Party do not believe in a base excitement and mobilization strategy," Phillips said. "I think there's still clinging to the whole myth that with the right language and vocabulary, that we'll be able to win over some more white voters." Democrat leaders are bullish that the three-legged stool of the coronavirus relief package signed by Biden in March, the infrastructure law passed in November and the spending agreement still being negotiated are enough to motivate the party's base ahead of the midterm elections. Some of Biden's closest allies blame the news media, saying if voters feel underwhelmed with what the party has delivered this year, it's because of how it has been reported. "Why do we have to do the president's entire agenda in his first year in office," said Representative James E. Clyburn of South Carolina, a top House Democrat and close ally of Biden. But it was Biden who promised ambitious action on things like climate change, voting rights, the minimum wage, criminal justice and police reform. And members of his own party are worried that the White House is missing a critical window for boldness, not competence. "It's not that these things just didn't happen," said Representative Cori Bush of Missouri, a Democrat and House progressive. "We were talking about them. We were pushing these things, we were organizing around those bills and we still don't have them." Phil Arballo, a Democrat who lost to Representative Devin Nunes of California, had been hoping to challenge him again in 2022.Mike Kai Chen for The New York Times Redistricting is making California a top House battlefield. By Jonathan Weisman Congressional Correspondent, Washington For nearly three years, Phil Arballo has been running for Congress against Representative Devin Nunes, the Republican whom Democrats across the country have loved to loathe. On Monday, Nunes announced he would resign from Congress at the end of the year to lead former President Donald J. Trump's media and technology company. Nunes was prodded toward that decision in large part by the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. The nonpartisan group this week will put the finishing touches on new boundaries that are likely to transform the district Nunes has represented for 19 years from a rural area that voted for Trump in 2020 by five percentage points into one centered here in Fresno, the fifth-largest city in California, which Joseph R. Biden Jr. would have carried handily. California's new map will stand in stark contrast to most of the country, scrambling the fortunes of lawmakers in both parties and creating the broadest — perhaps the only — true battlefield for 2022. Read the full story. Subscribe Today We hope you've enjoyed this newsletter, which is made possible through subscriber support. Subscribe to The New York Times with this special offer. RECOMMENDED READING Erin Scott for The New York Times In a Reversal, Meadows Refuses an Interview for the Jan. 6 Inquiry The former White House chief of staff told the House panel scrutinizing the Capitol attack that he was no longer willing to be deposed, reversing a commitment he made last week. By Luke Broadwater Patrick Dodson for The New York Times The Sheriff Who Wants to Put Andrew Cuomo Behind Bars Craig D. Apple Sr. is known among some fellow Democrats as the "Teflon sheriff" for his ability to persevere, even thrive, through trouble that might tarnish less adept politicians. By Dana Rubinstein, Grace Ashford and Jane Gottlieb Were you forwarded this newsletter? Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox. Is there anything you think we're missing? Anything you want to see more of? We'd love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com. Continue reading the main story Need help? Review our newsletter help page or contact us for assistance. You received this email because you signed up for On Politics from The New York Times. To stop receiving these emails, unsubscribe or manage your email preferences. Subscribe to The TimesGet The New York Times app Connect with us on: Change Your EmailPrivacy PolicyContact UsCalifornia Notices The New York Times Company. 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018