Saturday, June 05, 2021

In Her Words: ‘A recipe for disaster’

Workplace harassment during a pandemic
Cristina Spanò

By Leah Fessler

"Since the start of the pandemic, employees have felt as if online environments are the Wild West, where traditional rules do not apply."

— Jennifer Brown, a diversity, equity and inclusion expert

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Last spring, as offices closed across the country and kitchen tables became desks, contemplating the possible upsides of the new professional conundrum felt like a means of survival.

There was much tumult, and there were many questions. Among them: Once we all became boxes on Zoom or text bubbles in a chat, and once we were physically separated from colleagues and clients, would incidents of workplace harassment drop?

That flame quickly went dark.

What is virtual harassment?

Kalpana Kotagal, a partner at Cohen Milstein in the Civil Rights and Employment group, says workplace harassment of any kind occurs when an employee uses protected characteristics — things like race, gender, sexual orientation, seniority or socioeconomic status — to hold power over a colleague or staff member. The result is a so-called hostile work environment — a workspace that feels unsafe, can feel threatening to someone's identity or inhibit employees from doing their work.

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"Words can be harassing, images can be harassing, and threatening behavior can be harassing, whether it's in-person or not," Ms. Kotagal said.

What surprised many was the extent to which remote work made it easier for some employees to exert power over those who were comparatively vulnerable. That's because the channels through which remote work occurs — text, phone, video — are often unmonitored, unrecorded or occur outside employer-sponsored platforms.

Knowing that no one's watching can embolden foul play, too. In an in-person office setting, bystanders can be "a source of protection if they are trained, able or brave enough to step up," Ms. Kotagal said. But working from home deprives us of witnesses; the colleague who may otherwise overhear an off comment in the office is not present when we're on a call at home.

Complicating things is the air of informality around workplace communication, which increased with the shift to remote work during the pandemic. "Since the start of the pandemic, employees have felt as if online environments are the Wild West, where traditional rules do not apply," said Jennifer Brown, a diversity, equity and inclusion expert and the founder of Jennifer Brown Consulting. That can exacerbate misconduct, especially given how difficult it can be to discern intent from text stripped of tonal cues.

And pandemic-imposed stress compounded these realities. "We know that stress impacts manipulative behavior, making people more likely to snap or quickly get angry," Ms. Brown said. "So if we already have our filters down in this more informal online environment, and we're being careless because we're under a lot of pressure, it's a recipe for disaster."

According to a Deloitte survey, Women at Work: A Global Outlook, 52 percent of women have experienced some form of harassment or microaggression in the past year, ranging from the belief that their judgment is being questioned because they are women to disparaging remarks about their physical appearance, communication style, race, sexual orientation or caregiving status. Women of color and L.G.B.T.Q. women were significantly more likely to experience these noninclusive behaviors.

Another report from Project Include, a nonprofit organization that aims to accelerate diversity and inclusion in tech, found that 25 percent of respondents experienced an increase in gender-based harassment during the pandemic, about 10 percent experienced an increase in race- and ethnicity-based hostility, and 23 percent of respondents who were 50 years and older experienced increased age-based harassment or hostility.

"The big learning we had is people will harass people and be hostile to people no matter what the environment — they will find a way," Ellen Pao, chief executive of Project Include, told Reset Work, a new business publication distributed through email.

"For them, it was easier to harass remotely, because there was so much privacy in those interactions. I don't have a colleague next to me while I'm yelling at somebody, so nobody is seeing me or overhearing me being a harasser. It made it easier in many ways, because they could text or they could chat. All of a sudden, these one-on-one communications became normal, and you could invade somebody's privacy in their own home in a way that you couldn't do at the office."

Our responsibilities uncovered

While obscene instances such as Zoom masturbation become headlines, more common examples of incivility and harassment can include unwelcome comments about an employee's appearance, demeanor, physical surroundings, productivity or political beliefs.

Taken in isolation, these remarks can seem benign, and they sometimes are. Noting that a colleague is wearing pajamas during a meeting is "not necessarily an invitation to sex," said Vicki Schultz, a professor of law and social sciences at Yale Law School. "This is a mischaracterization of what sexual harassment actually is and misses its meaning as behavior that undermines equality," she said, noting how common it is for businesses and public figures alike to exploit the general public's misunderstanding of sexual harassment.

These circumstances do not necessarily engender sexual harassment, but they call attention to gender in a way that women have worked for years to undo, Ms. Schultz said. "It's the eye rolling, snide commentary — the kinds of things women experience when they work in low numbers," she said.

Comments about bringing children to meetings or being unavailable due to care responsibilities, for example, can make women, parents and caregivers feel as if they are not valued in the same way as other employees. "It can be subtle, but we know that subtle things can be meant and experienced as microaggressions," Ms. Schultz said.

Remote work can also crack open aspects of identity — religious or cultural background or sexual orientation, for example — an employee may have preferred to keep private. Pre-Covid, employees could obscure aspects of their personal lives like what their home looks like.

The inability to "cover" one's identity has particularly been challenging for L.G.B.T.Q. women who are more likely to report lower levels of mental well-being and work-life balance during the pandemic. These same women are nearly four times more likely to say they have experienced jokes of a sexual nature than non-L.G.B.T.Q. women, and they are less likely to view their employer as supportive.

Also gone is the separation between physical personal spaces and professional work. Now, a painful meeting might take place in your living room or bedroom, threatening compartmentalization. "The blurring of professional and personal spaces is carrying trauma from home into the workplace and vice versa," Ms. Kotagal said.

Ms. Brown said: "We often hide for a reason, and for many of us, the pandemic made that covering impossible. You may not be able to avoid a same-sex partner walking in the background of your screen, a parent's accent, a religious decoration on the wall, poor internet signal or manifestations of anxiety."

Reveals like these can worsen employees' sense of control during an already unpredictable period.

And then there's racial incivility.

According to Pew Research in 2020, 58 percent of Asian Americans say "it is more common for people to express racist or racially insensitive views about people who are Asian than it was before the coronavirus outbreak." Further, 39 percent of Asian Americans surveyed report that others had acted uncomfortably around them, and 31 percent report being the subject of race-based jokes or slurs, including at work.

Relatedly, Black employees are dealing with not only the pandemic's disproportionate effect on Black communities, but also the increased scrutiny on anti-Black racism, especially "in the wake of racial uprisings this past summer, the Trump presidency and greater visibility of white supremacist movements," Ms. Schultz said.

Employees need not explicitly call out Asian or Black colleagues to create a hostile environment. Work chat platforms like Slack make it easy to post uncontextualized articles or comments — for example, discussing Asian association with the coronavirus. And employers should refrain from placing a burden on Black employees to "explain" racism to their non-Black colleagues. This pressure sets employees of color on unequal footing and creates extra layers of emotional labor.

Where we go from here

Perhaps the most damning element of remote workplace harassment is how woefully unprepared companies are to address it.

"H.R. in most workplaces still has not caught up to what virtual forms of misconduct and harassment look and feel like, and there's a lack of policies and procedures around what is acceptable," Ms. Brown said. Without standards about how to communicate or behave on Slack, Zoom, email or any other remote platform, it's difficult for employees to know what to do when they feel uncomfortable, and for employers to hold employees accountable.

Reporting compliance was a challenge before the pandemic; now it's much harder with virtual platforms as our primary means of connection.

But there are certainly things companies can do.

To start, a good remote harassment policy ought to include an expansive definition of what harassment is and looks like at work. "A definition that's limited to physical touching is too limited," Ms. Kotagal said.

Next is establishing the channels through which an employee can report, and a clearly defined procedure to follow if a report comes in.

"How do you quickly address employee concerns? What resources does the company have at its disposal to do the forensic electronic work that can freeze communication before it's gone?" Ms. Kotagal asked. "Retention policies for workplace emails and text messages on company phones give you a way to go back and collect evidence, even if the reporting employee has not kept receipts for obvious reasons."

The investigation processes are also critical. "Good H.R. professionals know how to do interviews, talk to folks, drill down into the details, write clear policies and enforce them," Ms. Kotagal said. But doing that kind of interview work in a remote setting is more challenging, she said, adding, "It's difficult to understand where people are coming from, how they're feeling and perceive the unspoken cues."

Knowing that many employees will not report, management ought to embrace proactive procedures as well.

"Employers need to be especially race-conscious right now, privately checking in with each employee and paying special attention to what employees of color might be needing," Ms. Schultz said, noting that Asian American employees are historically less likely to report harassment. Publicly naming racial trauma instead of acting as if it does not affect the professional sphere is important, along with encouraging employees to take care of themselves and take time off.

Finally, individuals working remotely should do everything they can to protect themselves. "It's important to take notes," Ms. Kotagal said. "It's important to document behavior in a contemporaneous way because that builds credibility and a narrative over time." Also, remember your colleagues: They can be turned into de facto "bystanders" in an environment with low trust, safety, processes or procedures.

And of course, behavior can be reported even if it doesn't yet feel egregious. "If behavior feels weird but hasn't yet crossed an obvious line, there's still an opportunity to engage with your supervisor or H.R. about it," Ms. Kotagal said. "That can help nip it in the bud."

Write to us at inherwords@nytimes.com.

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In Her Words is edited by Francesca Donner. Our art director is Catherine Gilmore-Barnes, and our photo editor is Judith Levitt.

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On Politics: Kamala Harris and a high-risk, high-reward résumé for president

The vice president's job duties are formidable. Will they help her in another White House bid?
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By Lisa Lerer

National Political Correspondent

Hi. Welcome to On Politics, your wrap-up of the week in national politics. I'm Lisa Lerer, your host.

Sarah Silbiger for The New York Times

Is Kamala Harris drawing the shortest straws in the White House?

This week, President Biden announced that Harris would lead the administration's effort to protect voting rights, a task he immediately said would "take a hell of a lot of work."

And tomorrow, Harris leaves for her first trip abroad, visiting Mexico and Guatemala as part of her mandate to address the root causes of migration from Central America that are contributing to a surge of people trying to cross the United States' Southern border.

The central political question facing Harris has never been whether she will run for president again. It's when and how.

Yet for a history-making politician with big ambitions, Harris has adopted an early agenda that has left some Democrats fretting about the future of a politician who is already positioned as a presidential-nominee-in-waiting.

Both immigration and voting rights are politically fraught problems with no easy solutions. Democrats' expansive election legislation has faltered in the Senate, with moderate party lawmakers like Senator Joe Manchin III of West Virginia expressing concerns about the bill.

And despite the best efforts of her team, Harris has become the administration's face — sometimes quite literally — for the influx of migrants, including tens of thousands of unaccompanied children, at the Southern border.

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Allies point out that Harris's portfolio extends beyond those two high-profile issues. She's also responsible for expanding broadband internet access, combating vaccine hesitancy, advocating the infrastructure plan, helping women re-enter the work force, highlighting the Black maternal mortality rate and aiding small businesses, among other issues.

The allies cite the challenges Biden took on during his first term as vice president — including leading the White House effort to draw down troops in Iraq and overseeing the implementation of the stimulus bill — and argue that voters reward politicians for tackling hard issues, even if they remain unresolved.

And many argue that there are no easy problems in a country still grappling with a devastating pandemic, continued economic uncertainty and a divisive racial reckoning.

"These are long-term systemic issues," said Donna Brazile, a former Democratic Party chairwoman who speaks with Harris and her team. "She's defined by what I call real big problems, and problems that require a different kind of leadership to solve."

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Of course, "real big problems" also carry a far greater risk of political missteps and policy failures, particularly for a politician who is more polarizing than the president she serves, polls show.

Even before she became the first Black female vice president, Harris emerged as an early target of Republicans, who found it easier to rile up their base with racist and sexist attacks against her than with condemnations of Biden. In the conservative media, she's relentlessly defined as an untrustworthy radical, with an unpronounceable name and an anti-American agenda.

The false caricature may be having an impact on her image: Tracking polls find Harris's approval rating hovering a few percentage points lower than Biden's, with more voters expressing negative views of her performance.

Aides to Harris have quietly placed some of the blame for the politically damaging situation on Biden, who announced her new diplomatic assignment by telling reporters before a March meeting on immigration at the White House that the vice president would "lead our efforts with Mexico and the Northern Triangle, and the countries that can help, need help in stemming the movement of so many folks, stemming the migration to our southern border."

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Harris's staff spent weeks explaining that her job was not to reform the country's immigration system but a narrowly focused foreign policy mission. That distinction is difficult to draw, given the interconnected nature of global migration.

And it seems to have been lost on Republicans, who see the situation at the border as one of their most potent lines of attack against a relatively popular administration. They've spent weeks falsely calling her Biden's "border czar," releasing #BidenBorderCrisis videos and calling on the vice president to visit the southern border, which she will fly over this weekend on her way to meetings in Central America.

But there are some indications that behind the scenes, Harris pushed for leadership roles on these charged policy issues.

After the election, some allies of Harris's urged her to take on immigration, according to people who have spoken with her team, even though the issue has long been so intractable that the last president to pass significant legislation addressing it was Ronald Reagan. And the vice president personally asked Biden if she could spearhead the administration's fight against Republicans' new voting restrictions, as an extension of her past work as a senator and the attorney general of California on a problem she believes threatens the underpinnings of American democracy.

Yet in the Senate, Harris was not known for her close relationships with moderates like Manchin. It's unclear if she will be able to broker the kind of compromises within her party that will be necessary to pass a voting rights bill. And given the lack of Republican support, little is likely to happen on the bill unless Democrats agree to abolish the filibuster, which several moderates oppose.

Beyond legislation, her influence is limited. In the states, Republicans have made the passing of laws that restrict voting an early litmus test for their party. While the Justice Department can bring litigation against voter-suppression measures, Harris can't been seen as pressuring the agency to do so. Filling judicial vacancies with pro-voting judges could help stop some of the state laws, but that is a role that falls to Congress and Biden.

Still, there may be political upside for Harris in taking on voting rights. Voting rights advocates have expressed frustration at what they see as the administration's tepid approach to countering voter suppression and the prospect that it could hamper Democrats' ability to win elections in 2022 and beyond.

Harris can travel the country rallying her party's base, particularly voters of color who are the backbone of Democratic politics. Allies say her role will extend far beyond the legislative wrangling in the Senate to include meetings with activists, state officials and corporations — building relationships with the kinds of Democrats who can help bolster a presidential bid.

"From her perspective, what I would say she's thinking about is, 'Look, if we don't fix this, our democracy is gone,'" said Leah Daughtry, a veteran of Democratic campaigns. "She will be using the power of the bully pulpit of the White House to get people engaged and involved."

But some suggest that Harris's portfolio may have more to do with office politics than those of the presidential variety. While Biden feels comfortable with Harris, Democrats familiar with the workings of the White House say, some on his team remain skeptical of her loyalty after the divisive primary race. Her agenda, they argue, may simply be the White House version of cleaning up after the office party: What better way to prove her fidelity than by taking on some of the most thankless tasks?

"There's always the long view when you are vice president and you think about the future," Brazile said. "But it's too early. Joe Biden has said he's running in 2024, and she is a real team player."

Drop us a line!

We want to hear from our readers. Have a question? We'll try to answer it. Have a comment? We're all ears. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com or message me on Twitter at @llerer.

By the numbers: 29

That's the number of days former President Donald Trump's blog existed before being shuttered this week.

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