Saturday, April 24, 2021

In Her Words: ‘Because she is a big girl’

How we hold Black girls to a different standard.
A memorial for Ma'Khia Bryant, 16, who was fatally shot by a Columbus police officer this week.Amr Alfiky/The New York Times
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By Alisha Haridasani Gupta

Gender Reporter

"Ma'Khia Bryant was a child."

— Brittany Cooper, the author of "Eloquent Rage"

It happened in a matter of seconds.

On Tuesday, in Columbus, Ohio, a police officer fatally shot Ma'Khia Bryant, a 16-year-old Black girl.

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Body-camera footage shows Officer Nicholas Reardon, who was responding to a 911 call, arriving at a chaotic scene, with several people engaged in a heated fight, outside Ms. Bryant's foster home.

As the officer gets out of his vehicle, Ms. Bryant is seen lunging at a woman with what appears to be a knife in her hand. Then, seconds later, in the frenzy and chaos, she lunges at another woman.

"Hey! Hey!" Officer Reardon says as he pulls out his gun. "Get down! Get down!"

He fires four quick shots, killing Ms. Bryant in an instant.

The Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation is conducting a third-party investigation. And some experts, after watching the footage, have pointed out that Ms. Bryant was armed and seemed to be acting erratically, deeming the use of deadly force justifiable.

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But the timing of the shooting — on the same day that the former Minneapolis officer Derek Chauvin was found guilty of murdering George Floyd last May — underscored, for many, the incessant drumbeat of police brutality and systemic racism.

Ms. Bryant's young age — so evident in her giggly TikTok videos, dancing and doing her hair like any teenage girl — also highlights the unique burden of Black girls: In media coverage, Ms. Bryant has consistently been referred to as a woman, and her behavior and her body size have been scrutinized to suggest that she presented a large, uncontainable threat to everyone at the scene.

"Ma'Khia Bryant was a child," Brittany Cooper, author of "Eloquent Rage," said on MSNBC on Thursday. "The way that she has been talked about — because she is a big girl — people see her as the aggressor. They don't see her humanity. They have adultified her."

Because of layers of gendered racism, adults tend to view Black girls as more threatening, more aggressive, more mature and less innocent than white girls of the same age, robbing Black girls of the freedom to be children, according to a 2017 report by the Georgetown Law Center on Poverty and Inequality.

The report found that Black girls as young as 5 years old are held to adultlike standards and, in turn, receive harsher punishments for their behavior: Black girls are more likely to be suspended or arrested at school than their white peers, often for minor infractions, like using their cellphones or throwing tantrums. In another report by the same researchers, one girl recalled that in elementary school, during a game at recess, she had thrown a ball and it had hit another girl in the face. She was then accused of assault and battery. Others shared that if they spoke up in class, they were labeled sassy or outspoken, while their white peers were seen as intelligent.

Though Black boys also face the same adultification bias, the experience of Black girls has been and still is largely overlooked.

To unpack these issues, In Her Words caught up with Dr. Jamilia Blake, a co-author of the Georgetown Law Center on Poverty and Inequality report and a psychology professor at Texas A&M University, and Dr. Monique Morris, executive director of Grantmakers for Girls of Color and author of the book "Pushout: The Criminalization of Black Girls in School."

The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

A picture of Ma'Khia Bryant held up during a vigil at Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington.Michael Reynolds/EPA, via Shutterstock

Let's start with adultification bias. What does it mean, and how does it manifest in schools or interactions with law enforcement?

Jamilia Blake: When Black girls are not seen as children, that's adultification bias. They're not seen as being innocent; they're not seen as needing nurturing; they're seen as more adultlike, and what it is, is dehumanization. Black girls are not afforded the same freedoms that are guaranteed in childhood, like exploration, the ability to make mistakes or the benefit of the doubt. How it looks in school is this general perception of Black girls' behavior being very volitional and menacing, and even more so if they voice their concerns and raise awareness — everything that they do is kind of seen as problematic. They are constantly monitored, they receive more severe disciplinary actions, and they aren't even able to be sad or cry. And I don't think many educators, law professionals, mental health professionals and individuals who interact with children are even aware of it — I don't think they know that the adultification bias may be driving the punitiveness and the severity of their responses to Black girls.

Monique Morris: Adultification bias is also age compression. This is a way to erase the normal adolescent behavior and development that we have come to associate with young people, and it heightens our propensity to respond to young people as if they're fully developed adults — referring to girls as women, not allowing them to make mistakes, even how we define their responses to conditions. So when there are things that negatively impact them and they speak up against it, we as adults associate this Black girl behavior with some of the same tropes and stereotypes that have plagued Black womanhood for centuries. Their way of responding and defending themselves is read to be combative, and their way of challenging structures of oppression are deemed to be aggressive. That leaves very little opportunity for us to really think about the prevalence of trauma in their lives.

Right, and the very harmful "angry Black woman" trope is always in the wings …

MM: Exactly. And sometimes people think about the emotions as mutually exclusive — like you can't express anger and also be victimized by systems of oppression. We have to really think about the host of environmental conditions as part of the tapestry shaping their life outcomes — to strip them of this context facilitates the adultification bias and, in many ways, reduces the institutional capacity to be responsive.

JB: Right, exactly. The ability to express a range of emotions, whether that's in response to oppressive conditions or not, is a function of being human. So what is happening to Black girls and children is that we're robbing them of the essential aspects of what it means to be a human being.

What were your thoughts when you watched the body-camera footage?

JB: For me as a mother — I have a 16-year-old — whenever videos of these incidents come out, I wait a significant amount of time to watch it because I don't want to see the loss of life of another young Black person for something senseless. It really tears away at your soul. At any given time, that could have been me; that could have been my daughter, my niece or any of the girls that I work with. So when I did see the video, I saw someone who just reacted and didn't take a lay of the land in terms of what was happening, didn't ask questions, didn't try to interrupt the fight.

MM: You're not alone — I took my time to watch it, too, and originally I was not going to watch the video. We have seen so many cases, and it's retraumatizing to watch this footage over and over. I also have a teenage daughter, a 17-year-old, who has had a pretty strong reaction to the way the media has covered this shooting — showing, for example, snippets and clips from the footage without issuing trigger warnings. This routine display of violence, in this way, also contributes to that dehumanization and adultification of our young people as they have to absorb all of this and also function as if everything is normal.

All the foster care professionals and others who work with girls who I've spoken to have said that they, as non-police officers, have been able to disarm girls with a knife engaged in a fight without shooting someone. And the issue here is also the fact that whenever we have moments of crisis in our society, we call upon individuals like this officer, who was an expert marksman, to come in and respond to something that did not require an expert marksman.

What are some ways to work through this?

MM: I immediately got on the phone with people in the Columbus community who are working in schools or working with girls in high-risk situations in the community to ask them what they needed, what was happening, how girls were processing the moment. Much of the work that is happening now, in response to this shooting, is to reinforce and amplify to Black girls that they are in fact loved; that if they make a mistake and if they engage in a fight, that the first response won't be to kill them but to intervene and help them learn from that — the same nonviolent interventions that are used for children who are not Black girls. We as adults, especially those adults who are called to be first responders in moments of crisis, have to forever be working on our capacity to elevate the need to preserve life.

So much of what I'm seeing in the public domain in response to the footage is this inability for us to just basically ask the humane question of how do we resolve conflict without killing somebody? It's not necessarily either/or on the adultification bias or racialized violence, but the adultification is informed by the history of racialized violence. You have to see all of the context that created a space for these girls to be read as super, ultra threatening and predatory. It's more than just tragic; it's part of the deep legacy of oppression.

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What else is happening

Here are three articles from The Times you may have missed.

A panel from "Ironheart" that highlights the hero's interaction with children.Marvel/Eve L. Ewing and Luciano Vecchio
  • "It's important to me to push against the adultification of Black children and show them being silly and having fun." Two creators, including the brains behind the Black female comic book character Ironheart, reflect on inventing and reinventing Black superheroes. [Read the story]
  • "I could feel their pain." She was known as Juror 96 and sat through three weeks of testimony, but Lisa Christensen didn't get to decide Derek Chauvin's fate. She was selected as an alternate. [Read the story]
  • "No matter how many belts she wins, she doesn't change." Zhang Weili, China's most famous mixed martial arts fighter and one of the world's greatest female fighters, has turned into a symbol of women's rights and a national hero in China. But she doesn't really care about all of that. [Read the story]

In Her Words is written by Alisha Haridasani Gupta and edited by Francesca Donner. Our art director is Catherine Gilmore-Barnes, and our photo editor is Sandra Stevenson.

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On Politics: Biden’s Sky-High Promises on Racial Justice

A president evolves on civil rights along with the country.
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By Lisa Lerer

National Political Correspondent

Hi. Welcome to On Politics, your wrap-up of the week in national politics. I'm Lisa Lerer, your host.

President Biden speaking about his agenda on racial issues at the White House in January.Doug Mills/Getty Images

As a college student, Joseph R. Biden Jr. was more consumed with Corvettes than with civil rights. A little more than a decade later, he made common cause with Southern Republicans in the Senate to slow school desegregation. One of his most significant legislative achievements was a 1994 crime bill that helped lay the groundwork for the mass incarceration that has devastated America's Black communities. And as vice president, he often ceded discussion of the complex dynamics of race to Barack Obama, the country's first Black president.

Yet through it all, Mr. Biden cast himself as staunch ally of racial justice, captivated and inspired at a young age by the battle for civil rights.

"I wasn't at the bridge at Selma," he said in an interview in 2008, "but the struggle for civil rights was the animating political element of my life."

Well, that was then. Thirteen years later, race is an issue that Mr. Biden can no longer finesse quite as easily.

The killing of George Floyd last year reignited a civil rights movement, plunging the country into a deep reckoning over race. As president, Mr. Biden now leads a party that has made racial justice a defining element of its coalition, offering the country sweeping pledges to combat deep-seated prejudice and reform the criminal justice system.

Unlike any other period in recent history, Democrats have infused their agenda with a focus on racial inequality, upending decades of conventional party wisdom that such appeals could prove politically risky.

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"The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer," Mr. Biden said during his inauguration address. "We can deliver racial justice."

So Mr. Biden is promising big things. Very big things, like correcting more than 400 years of systemic racism in America. Now that Democrats control Washington, how far they can move the government to make good on that vow offers one of the first tests of their campaign pledges.

Activists say that Mr. Biden's embrace of racial justice reflects how the country has changed. The president has always positioned himself at the center of his party, shifting his positions as Democrats marched to the left on issues including abortion, gun rights, criminal justice and race.

"Biden is actually being Biden by being inside of all of the ways in which the current landscape is sending him messages," said Rashad Robinson, the president of Color of Change, a racial justice organization that was skeptical of Mr. Biden during the Democratic primary race but now praises his work. "That is good, but I don't want to be classifying this as some sort of out-front radical leadership. That would really not represent everything that could be possible if we leaned in more."

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Yet the Democratic decision to embrace racial issues is not without political peril, given how deeply these matters have come to be defined by partisan divides. While the country's views on race have shifted, it's an open question as to how much white liberals and independents would support efforts to truly unwind some of the broader systems — like segregated schools and neighborhoods — that reinforce racial inequality.

A new paper by political scientists at Yale found that support for progressive policies — like raising the minimum wage, forgiving student loan debt and the Green New Deal — actually declines when Democrats frame their arguments in racial terms, despite the shift in public opinion on the topic.

"Democrats' use of racial frames in describing their progressive policies may inadvertently make it harder for them to adopt public policies that will advance racial justice," the Yale researchers write.

Mr. Biden is far from the only Democrat speaking more explicitly about race. After George Floyd, many Democratic voters and politicians found themselves getting a crash course in racial inequality. Some of the efforts to show solidarity were ham-handed, at best: When Democrats released legislation to overhaul policing last June, they did so draped in cringe-worthy kente cloth stoles. Even this past week, Speaker Nancy Pelosi offered a tone-deaf response to the guilty verdict against Derek Chauvin by thanking Mr. Floyd for "sacrificing" his life, seeming to imply that the victim of police violence had a choice in the matter.

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But during the campaign, Mr. Biden "did the work," as liberal activists would say, despite his occasional gaffes when talking about race and Black Americans. He apologized for portions of the 1994 crime bill. His campaign released a comprehensive plan to address racial disparities on issues ranging from health to policing, with a particular focus on advancing economic equality, increasing access to affordable housing and education and reforming the criminal justice system.

Since taking office, Mr. Biden has vowed to make racial equity central to every element of his agenda — from his response to the coronavirus pandemic to where infrastructure is built to how climate policies are crafted.

This week, the Justice Department announced a sweeping investigation into the Minneapolis Police Department, a sign that the Biden administration will apply stricter federal oversight to local police forces. And in a speech on Tuesday night, Mr. Biden formally called on lawmakers to resurrect the Democratic bill known as the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, which seeks to address racial discrimination and the use of excessive force. The president pledged to sign it into law "as quickly as possible."

A fair number of voters believe those actions aren't enough: Forty-two percent of Americans say Mr. Biden is doing "too little" to reform police practices in the country, while 32 percent say he has done the right amount and 15 percent say he has done "too much," according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll. Nearly half of Black Americans and Democrats say Biden has done too little on the issue, a significant break from their strong support of his agenda on other issues.

Republicans see an opportunity to campaign on some of those fears. In 2020, the party found some success by characterizing moderate Democrats in swing districts as anti-law-enforcement and supportive of violent protests, saying they supported calls from the left to "defund the police." Since then, Republicans have leaned into that messaging, with G.O.P.-controlled state legislatures passing bills to reduce voting access, empower the police and target protesters.

The response to Mr. Floyd's killing provided more evidence that Republicans see political opportunities in this moment of reckoning. While many Republicans stayed silent on the Chauvin verdict, some of those who responded showed an unwillingness to let reality get in the way of what they see as a good political talking point. Even as worries of unrest dissipated into a pained sort of celebration, some in the G.O.P. kept their focus firmly on the violence that didn't happen on Tuesday evening.

On Fox News, Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida implied that the guilty verdict could have happened because "the jury is scared of what a mob may do."

The idea that rioting "is going to influence how the rule of law is applied — would be a total disaster if that idea takes hold," he said.

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