On Politics: At rallies, Trump fans wear their grievances

For some, attending a rally requires wearing something that embraces one of Trump's calling cards.

View in browser|nytimes.com Continue reading the main story October 14, 2021 By Astead W. Herndon Some clothing at conservative rallies mocks the political opponents of former President Donald J. Trump, uses vulgar language and embraces political incorrectness.Carlos Bernate for The New York Times RICHMOND, Va. — In the main auditorium for a conservative rally titled "Take Back Virginia" this week in the state's capital, speakers promoted election conspiracy theories, warned of a coming civil war with liberal states, and proclaimed President Biden should be arrested for treason. But in the event's back room, that grim tenor gave way to the type of darkly festive tone often found at one of former President Donald J. Trump's signature rallies — food, drinks and laughter. The sounds of a football tailgate converging with political grievances. As a politics reporter for The New York Times, I have been to nearly two dozen events of this kind, including Trump's stadium rallies, smaller events like this, or makeshift festivals like "Trumpstock" for Trump's super fans in Northern Arizona. Each time, I'm reminded of how these occasions are constructed to barely feel like a political event. Trump has his signature rally playlist — which his die-hard supporters have come to memorize — full of wide-ranging music including opera, rock and even "Memories," from the musical "Cats." The event in Virginia, where Trump delivered an address by phone, served meatballs and cheese plates and had a cash bar, where customers could watch speakers from the other room. At one point, two patrons swapped petitions about election integrity, updating each other on ongoing efforts to overturn the 2020 election while ordering a glass of wine. However, the most noticeable reflection of how Trump's most ardent fans have taken on his personality and grievances is in the clothing. Among some attendees, it is not enough to go to an event in the name of Trump; their attendance also requires wearing something that mimics some of his political calling cards — mocking his political opponents, using vulgar language and openly embracing political incorrectness. At some events, I've seen people with particularly crass T-shirts hold their own photo lines, as others queue for selfie after selfie. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT In Virginia, I talked to three men — all dressed fairly typically for an event like this — about what they decided to wear, and how their clothing reflected their political beliefs. These interviews have been condensed and lightly edited for clarity. Astead Herndon/ The New York Times James Thornton, 47, of Virginia "I'm open to both sides. But when I go over to the other side, they don't like me. I want to hear their side and they can hear my side. That's the way society should be. Not shutting down things because you can't answer." Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT "Education for me is the biggest thing. The critical race theory and the L.G.B.T. Which I don't mind. I don't care if you're gay. It's when you push your views onto my views. Where do your rights start and mine end?" "It's not that I hate Democrats. It's their agenda and what they push. I'm a hard-working person. And I see my tax dollars not benefiting me at all. It benefits a kind that don't want to give 100 percent and give that effort. I know everyone isn't like that. Some people need help, no doubt. But when I see a 27-year-old laughing, saying, 'I get assistance,' I go, 'What! I'm paying for that.' You know I used to have a sticker that said, 'Keep working — the millions on welfare depend on it.'" Astead Herndon/ The New York Times Val Yurachek, 52, of Virginia "I'm worried about our freedoms. The American people want what this country is based on, which is our freedoms. And all these mandates and forced vaccinations, that's not America and that's not freedom and that's not our God-given rights. Rights come from God. And that's what the Constitution is based on." Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT "We don't want to go the route of a socialist or communist country. My family came from a place that had one of those types of regimes, and that's not something that we want here." "I was in the Marine Corps. And my father was in the Marine Corps, too. And as Americans we love our country, and the flag and the eagle represent that. I don't want to put a blanket over everyone and say only one party supports that. But if you're going to support America, and you're going to support patriotism, the conservative side — the Constitution side — that's the group to do it. The left has gone too far to communism and socialism." Astead Herndon/ The New York Times Robert Levy, 62, of New Jersey "We started the T-shirt company last summer. First it was a couple of shirts, and then we put up a sign fighting the Covid restrictions — and it was a big hit." "It's gotten easier to sell anti-Biden stuff. Because of the horrendous stuff he's doing, people on both sides of the aisle are sick of what he's doing. If you're not brain-dead, you don't support these type of policies." "We have to go to events like these, because if we tried to sell on Facebook, we'd get taken down. Because they don't like the message. We have to dance to the music. We have to find our people who have our political beliefs." "Our biggest seller is a shirt that says 'Stolen Property' with a picture of the White House." NextGen is targeting nearly 2 million young voters in Texas in an effort to help Democrats win the state.Annie Mulligan for The New York Times The Voters Democrats Say Are Crucial to Flipping Texas HOUSTON — Cristina Tzintzún-Ramirez is convinced she knows the secret to turning Texas blue. Young people. When she applied to lead NextGen America, a liberal group backed by the billionaire and former presidential candidate Tom Steyer, she made two things clear. She was not leaving Austin, and the organization would have to spend time and money in Texas. Now it is planning to spend nearly $16 million in the state over the next two years to register new voters and get them to the polls in the 2022 midterm elections. The project marks some of the most significant Democratic spending in Texas that targets the young people the party hopes will help it break the Republican grip on the state. Read the full story. Subscribe Today We hope you've enjoyed this newsletter, which is made possible through subscriber support. Subscribe to The New York Times with this special offer. RECOMMENDED READING Steve Helber/Associated Press Jan. 6 Panel Sets Vote to Recommend Criminal Charges Against Bannon The House select committee investigating the Capitol riot will vote next week to recommend a criminal contempt of Congress charge against Stephen K. Bannon after he defied a subpoena. By Luke Broadwater T.J. Kirkpatrick for The New York Times As Budget Bill Hangs in Limbo, Kyrsten Sinema Heads to Europe With the Senate out of session, Ms. Sinema, the Democratic senator from Arizona, has been in Europe on a fund-raising trip. By Shane Goldmacher Were you forwarded this newsletter? Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox. Is there anything you think we're missing? Anything you want to see more of? We'd love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com. Continue reading the main story Need help? 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On Politics: National Issues Dominate Virginia Ad Wars

The battle between Terry McAuliffe and Glenn Youngkin has ignited over national cultural issues.

View in browser|nytimes.com Continue reading the main story October 12, 2021 By Nick Corasaniti Domestic Correspondent, Politics Four of the five most expensive ads for the McAuliffe campaign have been negative, with a particular focus on abortion.Carlos Bernate for The New York Times It's a long-held mantra in elections: All politics are local. But the ad wars in the race for Virginia governor indicate that national is the new normal. In a race deemed a bellwether for the 2022 midterms, the battle between Terry McAuliffe, a Democrat and the state's former governor, and Glenn Youngkin, a Republican, has ignited more over the cultural issues currently inflaming national politics than traditional tension points like state and local taxes. Atop the list of the most aired ads in the race are attacks about abortion (though there's no current law or challenge to abortion rights in Virginia) and schools (amid the national debates on curriculum, critical race theory and mask mandates). In an expensive race with in-person campaigning still limited by the pandemic, the national issues being debated over the airwaves have set the tone. The two candidates have combined to spend more than $36 million on broadcast television ads at just over $18 million each, according to AdImpact, an ad tracking firm. Outside groups and super PACs have largely stayed on the sidelines. More than 60 percent of the spending has been on ads that have at least some negative comparisons or attacks, according to AdImpact. Four of the five most expensive ads for the McAuliffe campaign have been negative, with a particular focus on abortion, an issue that rocketed to the forefront of national politics after Texas passed a new law that bans almost all abortions. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT The campaign has put the most money behind a 60-second ad that seizes on a hidden-camera video recorded by a liberal activist that showed Youngkin openly worrying about losing "independent votes" over the issue, but promising to go "on offense" to restrict access to abortion if Republicans also take the statehouse. The McAuliffe campaign portrayed Youngkin as beholden to the conservative fringe of the Republican Party. "Glenn Youngkin has been caught," a female narrative voice whispers as news reports of the video fill the screen. "Caught on video admitting his far-right agenda." In another ad, the McAuliffe campaign highlights a doctor who claims that Youngkin's support of abortion limits would "harm my patients" and that he is inserting politics into science and medicine, an echo of the common critiques of the anti-vaccine and anti-mask movements. Other national dividing lines, such as voting rights, police reform and public health, play central roles in the McAuliffe campaign's effort to paint Youngkin with the patina of a Trump Republican; more than 75 percent of McAuliffe's ads include an attack on or contrast drawn with his opponent. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT For the Youngkin campaign, one ad is dominating the rotation: a clip from a debate in September where McAuliffe stated, "I don't think parents should be telling schools what they should teach." The comment followed an argument between the two candidates over a veto McAuliffe signed as governor in 2017 of legislation that had allowed parents to opt out of allowing their children to study material deemed sexually explicit. Schools have quickly climbed to the forefront of national political scraps, with right-wing media seizing on a crusade against school mask mandates and critical race theory, and major conservative pundits pushing for Republicans to focus on school board races. Though McAuliffe's quote did not originate in the current tussle over schools, it quickly resonated. The Youngkin campaign put more than $1 million behind the ad. Youngkin has a more balanced mix of positive and negative advertising, including a lot of biographical ads, highlighting his past as a college basketball player and businessman, and presenting him as an outsider to Virginia politics who can get things done. But the disparity in the ratio of positive to negative ads doesn't necessarily reflect one candidate on the upswing or another on the defensive. Youngkin, who spent most of his career in business, has to keep introducing himself to voters while simultaneously trying to define McAuliffe through negative ads. Continue reading the main story ADVERTISEMENT McAuliffe, a former governor who left office in 2018 polling safely above water, is a known quantity in the state, which prohibits governors from serving two consecutive terms. With little need for biographical ads, McAuliffe's campaign has gone more aggressively on the offensive, including with some more out-of-the-box national attack ads about the rights to Taylor Swift's music. In a small digital ad effort, the McAuliffe campaign bought ads on Instagram, Facebook and Google that highlighted Swift's claim that the Carlyle Group, which Youngkin used to lead as a co-chief executive, helped finance a sale of the rights to her music. One ad closes with a nod to Swift's lyrics: "'Cause Glenn, now we got bad blood." Glenn Youngkin has repeatedly invoked issues around Virginia's schools as some of his top priorities.Jason Andrew for The New York Times Republicans in Virginia are making schools the focus of their drive to recapture the governor's office. As a lifelong Republican in her home state of Virginia, Tammy Yoder faithfully casts her ballot for those who want to lower taxes, oppose abortion and back other conservative causes. But the issue that transformed Ms. Yoder, a stay-at-home mother, from a reliable voter to the kind of person who brings three young children to an evening campaign rally wasn't her Christian values or her pocketbook. It was something even more personal, she said: What her children learn in school. Read the full story. Subscribe Today We hope you've enjoyed this newsletter, which is made possible through subscriber support. Subscribe to The New York Times with this special offer. RECOMMENDED READING Stefani Reynolds for The New York Times John Yarmuth of Kentucky, House Budget Chairman, Announces Retirement Mr. Yarmuth, the lone Democrat in his state's congressional delegation and a key proponent of President Biden's domestic agenda, said he would not seek re-election. By Emily Cochrane Joel Saget/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images Rise of a Far-Right Pundit Is Scrambling French Politics Éric Zemmour, an anti-immigrant writer and TV commentator, is surging in opinion polls before presidential elections next year — and he is not yet a candidate. By Norimitsu Onishi Were you forwarded this newsletter? Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox. Is there anything you think we're missing? Anything you want to see more of? We'd love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com. Continue reading the main story Need help? Review our newsletter help page or contact us for assistance. You received this email because you signed up for On Politics from The New York Times. To stop receiving these emails, unsubscribe or manage your email preferences. Subscribe to The TimesGet The New York Times app Connect with us on: Change Your EmailPrivacy PolicyContact UsCalifornia Notices The New York Times Company. 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018