Tuesday, July 16, 2024

On Politics: For Milwaukee, the R.N.C. is an unloved houseguest

Outside the arena, an uneasy relationship between the city and the convention has intensified.
On Politics

July 16, 2024

Good evening. Tonight, my colleague Julie Bosman — a Wisconsin native — is covering the uneasy relationship between Milwaukee and the Republican National Convention. And, as the convention turns its focus to immigration tonight, we're also covering the conspiracy theories percolating here. — Jess Bidgood

Dozens of demonstrators are standing and holding a banner that reads,
Demonstrators marched through downtown Milwaukee on the first day of the Republican National Convention. Jon Cherry for The New York Times

For Milwaukee, the R.N.C. is an unloved houseguest

The latest

The frenemies by Lake Michigan

On the wall of an old brick building near downtown Milwaukee, someone had hung up a few movie posters for "Reagan," perhaps hoping that its crinkly, cowboy hat-wearing star, Dennis Quaid, would catch the eye of a passing delegate to the Republican National Convention.

Papered over a poster was a homemade sign: "Welcome G.O.P. to Milwaukee," it said. "A Socialist city!"

This week, Milwaukee is trying to play two roles: gracious host, but also political opponent.

Tens of thousands of Republicans are gathering each day to nominate and celebrate former President Donald J. Trump in Milwaukee, but outside the heavily armored security perimeter, an uneasy relationship between the city and this convention has intensified.

Yes, as many Milwaukeeans will proudly remind you, this city elected three Socialist mayors, who held office for almost 40 years between 1910 and 1960. Its roots as a labor town — a core value of the Democratic Party — run deep. Cavalier Johnson, the recently re-elected mayor of Milwaukee, is a Democrat. And in 2020, Milwaukeeans voted overwhelmingly for President Biden, helping to nudge Wisconsin — perhaps the swingiest of all the swing states — back into the blue column.

Milwaukee, a city where nearly 40 percent of the population is Black, is often vilified by Republicans elsewhere in the predominantly white state. Trump and his allies claimed without evidence that in 2020 the city was the site of widespread illegal voting. (It was not.)

So this was always going to be awkward. Yet Milwaukee, whose population of 560,000 makes it relatively small for this kind of event, was also hoping to get an economic and public-relations boost from the convention.

The discord was on display from the opening day of the convention on Monday. As Trump thrilled Republicans by choosing Senator J.D. Vance of Ohio as his running mate, hundreds of protesters marched and chanted anti-Trump messages just outside the Fiserv Forum, the main convention hall. By Tuesday, Milwaukee residents and business owners were seething over empty restaurants, snarled traffic and ugly barricades restricting access to downtown.

At least one business couldn't resist poking fun at the Republican visitors: "Welcome Future Fake Electors" read a poster in the window of Penzeys, a spice shop known for its liberal politics.

And on Tuesday, a fatal police shooting involving visiting police officers assisting with the protection of the convention ratcheted up the tension further.

Scattered protests

For months before the convention, left-leaning activists had vowed a show of force in Milwaukee. They argued with city officials and filed a federal lawsuit over the route near the convention hall of a planned demonstration that they said could draw 5,000 protesters.

I followed along as the rally began on Monday in Red Arrow Park, a small plaza outside City Hall. The midday sun was scorching, and volunteers zipped around the crowd, handing out hundreds of water bottles. The protest lasted five hours, marching through empty downtown streets, pausing within several hundred feet of the Fiserv Forum.

"Get up, get down," they chanted at one point. "Milwaukee is a union town."

Some protesters softened their messages in light of the assassination attempt on Trump last Saturday. J.P. Herman, 68, a real-estate broker who wore a blue bandanna knotted around his neck, held a placard that read "Love is the answer." He told me he had discarded more pointed anti-Trump slogans.

"There were ones like 'Hate, bigotry, racism, Republican,'" he said.

'This is not helping anyone'

At Jake's Deli, a Milwaukee institution known for its corned beef sandwiches, a lone table was occupied during the lunch hour today. Business was better last week than this week, said Dee Pryor, an employee.

"This was supposed to help everybody," Pryor said of the convention. "This is not helping anyone except for the people inside the R.N.C."

Maybe the lack of business from convention visitors could be traced to Milwaukee's modest number of hotel rooms, forcing thousands of out-of-towners to stay elsewhere — Ozaukee and Waukesha County, Racine and Kenosha, even Lake Geneva, a resort town an hour's drive from Milwaukee.

The 2020 Democratic National Convention took place here, too, but its footprint shrank so rapidly because of Covid that it was almost like it did not happen at all. But this week, Milwaukee seems to have learned that actually hosting a proper convention feels like a bust, too.

"Unfortunately, I don't feel like this has really been a benefit to the city at all," said Ashley Garrett, walking back to her high-rise downtown after walking her dog, a trek past high metal fencing that has been erected throughout the area. "And I understand why there are cities that turn it down."

Residents of downtown Milwaukee were counting down the days until the convention is over.

Robert Chiarito and Dan Simmons contributed reporting.

A Trump campaign sign reading "Make America Safe Again" is seen among seated audience members.
Messaging from speakers at the R.N.C. has linked immigration and crime. Kenny Holston/The New York Times

The false claims woven into Republicans' immigration rhetoric

The theme of the R.N.C tonight — "Make America Safe Once Again" — will focus on two of Trump's favorite themes: Crime and immigration. So far, the immigration rhetoric here has been even harsher in tone than when Trump first ran for president in 2016. It's also been sprinkled with inaccuracies and conspiracy theories, according to my colleague Jazmine Ulloa, who covers immigration and politics. I asked her to tell us more.

In surveys and focus groups, American voters have consistently cited immigration as one of their top concerns heading into the November election, an increase primarily driven by Republican and right-leaning independents who view the 2,000-mile dividing line between Mexico and the United States with suspicion.

And as the R.N.C. has gotten underway in Milwaukee, Republicans have stoked that suspicion with a series of false claims and exaggerations.

"When did following the law become so controversial? It started with the border, which is a mess," Chris LaCivita, a key adviser to Trump, said at a gun-rights event adjacent to the convention on Tuesday. "A rise in migrant crime. These are things that are directly tied together."

In fact, a heap of studies have shown that immigration does not necessarily increase crime, and that immigrants are less likely to commit crimes than native-born American citizens.

But throughout the R.N.C., speakers and attendees view immigration and crime as inextricably linked. They are quick to cite grisly crimes against young women committed by undocumented immigrants. They blame immigrants for the opioids crisis, without mention of the American citizens whom federal law enforcement officials say are more likely to drive fentanyl over the border.

And they increasingly echo conspiracy theories that migrants are entering the country to steal jobs and elections.

"In these Democratic states, they are trying to get illegals the ability to vote, and let's face it, they're using our tax dollars to buy their vote," said Mark Dunham of El Paso, a retired lieutenant colonel in the Army who has aided Texas State Guard soldiers deployed to the border.

Some of the rhetoric has veered into territory that historians and counterterrorism experts say has the potential to fuel violence, as it has in El Paso, Pittsburgh and Buffalo.

At a Heritage Foundation panel on Monday, Thomas Homan and Mark Morgan, top immigration officials during the Trump administration, fiercely defended Trump's most controversial policies, including the separation of thousands of migrant families at the border, which drew widespread condemnation. Mr. Morgan then claimed without evidence that Democrats were encouraging immigration for political reasons.

Ken Bensinger contributed reporting.

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